Malu Gatto

As questões constitucionais mais amplas, elas tendem a acontecer em contextos do que a gente chama de critical junctures. E essas critical junctures, elas tendem a acontecer... em períodos disruptivos. E o tipo de disrupção, eu acho que é muito importante, para determinar o que vai acontecer nesse pós. Então, quando a gente pensa em disrupções que pedem respostas de centralidade democrática e de civilização, de compromisso com certos valores democráticos centrais, isso daí se torna mais fácil, de certa forma, porque existe, digamos assim, um momento propício para isso. Então, tem um problema que, de certa forma, eu quero dizer, é que é necessário, de certa forma, um... uma conjuntura. Então, eu acho que que tem essa questão. Mas eu acho que quando a gente traz... Mas, para além dessa questão de reformas constitucionais amplas, eu acho que se a gente está pensando em paridade no contexto... de evolução legislativa, mesmo do processo legislativo, acho que isso daí é mais tangente, mais tangível através dos passos que eu estava apresentando, que eu acho que tem uma série de fatores que podem contribuir para isso. Mas eu acho que reformas constitucionais mesmo, mais amplas, eu acho que tem uma questão conjuntural que não está muito ao nosso alcance, porque tem processos exógenos também que contribuem para isso. Obrigada.

And Thank you for the invitation, it's a pleasure to be here. Thank you, Professor. and Clara Araújo and all the colleagues from the Observatory. I also thank you all who are here, for the event. It's been a long day. And also the people who are watching online. And also the students who have signed up and still here to learn about this topic of women in politics. It's very inspiring to them here, to see the new generation thinking and leading this topic seriously. So it's really good. for them here on the screen. It is also possible to talk about the 30th anniversary of the gender in Latin America, Also because this was just the topic of the book that I released last year, and that just makes I can pass the U. Those are lights. and that is precisely the reconstruction of the 30 years of the trajectory of COTAs. in the region So, I was presenting the new product of the Observatory. And what I do in the book is just to reconstruct these 30 years both in Brazil as far as the most focused on Costa Rica and Chile, but also one of the chapters focuses on the entire Latin America, analyzing the 50 reforms that Professor Mariana Caminotti was referring to earlier. And a great part of what I'm going to say today, not only the book, but also the other studies to bring this comparison to Latin America, but to think about the trajectory of the gender-based plot in Brazil and what we can learn with these other cases in the region. So, one of the things we saw today, and some people mentioned, is that Brazil is on the lantern of Latin America. But something I wanted to emphasize is this change of change. When we think about 30 years ago, All the countries of Latin America had less than 20% of women occupying assentos in low cameras of the legislative system. What we see in these 30 years, however, is a change in many countries and other countries, continuing there, many of them, below or near 30%. But we see Nicaragua, Mexico, Costa Rica, Bolívia, Argentina, in the 40% close to 50%. and the people who are not going to be able to do this. And... One of the points I think that is very important to emphasize, is that this didn't happen from anything. These changes were just because of these Cotas of Gender. in the world. More than 85 countries have adopted gendered gendered different types to the national level. So when we talk about gendered gendered, we talk about different types of legislation. of their own organizations. Others are the COTAs that we have in Latin America, which are the quotas that refer to the reserve of candidates, but also there are the quotas that are the reserve of the assent, are very present, especially on the African continent. Eh... But I think something that I would like to ressalt, is that even with these cotas, this process of increase of proportion of women's population, it was not happening from the night to the day. And why? And the professor Caminauts also talked about this, in this issue of the ondas of reform. So, when we look at at the beginning of the gender, they were, in their majority, with very fracters and very few, very few, in transforming, in the proportion, in the proportion of women in politics. With the time, these are going to be reformed and they become more strong. In the book, I don't have a lot about the methodological part, but one of the things I do is just these laws of gender, I transform them in an index, I calculate the index of the design of the cotas, to measure the force of these designs. I also use it in the book, I reconstruct this process of the trajectory of the cotas, also through the transcriber's process of legislatures, the decisions of the judiciary, with interviews, with participants in this process. One thing I think is worth the time to talk about, and that we have been talking a little bit during the day, but maybe not explicitly, is that the need for reform, that reform, that's reform, that's gotas, she gave us a basic question, that we understand in the political science, maybe as basic, that is what? which is the idea that legislators will legislate in favor of themselves. And, given that the legislators in their majority are men, when the quotas are adopted, why do they are adopted? And we can observe what is happening and the logic of this, to reconstruct this process, that is just that the legislators are adopting the quotas because of the pressure of social norms and social, but are doing this in a way estratégically, and enfraquecendo the design of these legislations, just so that there is no change of status quo. continue in these three decades, and we still have to talk about this, because we still need to talk about this, because the change continues to be necessary. What I... We'll stop here, bringing America Latina to Brazil. This process also happened in Brazil. So here I'm just showing all the laws of law and also processes of... of the judiciary, showing that the British cotas in Brazil also improved, in terms of design, maybe a little less than in other countries in Latin America. You can go. And these institutional advances, in a certain way, they have some fruit. So when we have the reform, the mini reform of 2009, which was a very important reform because changed legislation that said that the cotas had to reserve a percentage for women to be able to put them, what happens? There is an increase in 2010 in the proportion of women who are candidates in the parties. So, we see that the cotas became stronger, There was a response to the parties. But what we also see is that the changes formals in the laws also generate a change in the informal parties. And, back to this idea of the legislators and the parties who don't want to change the status quo because they want to keep in power, and given that they know the rules of the game, what do they do? They adapt to the way of responding to these new laws. What happens? What this graph is showing? So these are the parties respond to these norms, the change of the formal norm. So, I'm talking about the orange, but we already talked about it earlier, about how these other reforms, the reserve financing of campaign, etc. have been... new responses, new ways of institutions informally to be a status quo. What can we learn with the success of Latin America, how can we reflect on this to think about the case of the Brazilian case? So, I'm going to bring here the elements that I bring to measure the design of the gender, to make a reflection on each of these elements. So, when I'm thinking about the design of the gender, I'm thinking about these five dimensions: the size of the cota, the mechanisms of competitiveness, and the obstacles of implementation. Just resumindo here. In terms of what we can learn, and I will talk a little bit more about each one of them, if we are talking about size, one of the things we can learn is to be a paried. If we are talking about mechanisms of competitiveness, what the cases of success show us is that we need to be guaranteed candidates, we don't can only have candidates, we need to have candidates, we need to have candidates, we need to have candidates, we need to have candidates, we need to have candidates, which, in fact, for any part, that don't respect the quotas, and the applicability should be a all or many, many charges, and not only the proportionality, which is the case here in Brazil. especially thinking about the trajectory that the people do, or people don't think about a political career that is only through a public charge. And finally, the obstacles of implementation. What these cases of success show is that these people don't have breaches, or they have to, in a way, keep the parties in line with drawings that are, let's say, a prova of ball. Let's go. So, as I would like to translate this to the Brazilian context, the reserve of 30% of candidates is low compared to the advance of the region. And then, thinking that women are 50% of the population, we have to, in fact, increase the percentage of candidates reserved for women. And we have already talked about how the percentage of candidates, in fact, will be a teto. And we need to think about this to increase the percentage of candidates. The mechanism of competitiveness is one of the biggest questions when we compare the Brazil with the rest of the Latin America, especially because many countries in the region managed to increase the viability because they have the quotas combined with a system of list proportionals, list fechable, that you can create mechanisms to put that as quotas also define that women have to be in places competitive and viable, which is not the case of Brazil. that would be very important to discuss it, is that the Proportional Reserva Proportional of Financement of Campaign is destined to the cargo that, in fact, which the quotas apply. Because if you are, you are going to be destinating the reserve of the financials of the campaign to the parties that the parties would already invest. Because once the parties name women for the charges of the executive, they have the incentive to support the women, given that they only have one candidate for the election. So, we have to think about this parallel. Cota, reserve of the percent, only for those charges. that a reserve of the wages would also be a good idea, but combined with a the candidate candidate. So here is an extra element that is combinable. There are sanctions. There can be anergy. I think this is something that we have to leave very clear. And I think one of the other things that we have to talk about in terms of viability is that in other countries in America and Latin, ... is that the sanctions happen before before the election. Or, that, the list of candidates are banned, the parties can't register these lists if they are not in accordance with the quotas. That's not the case of Brazil, because it's done a posteriori. So we have to think about how we can do this during the election election. So, how to do this with TSE, to do monitoring the distribution of resources during the electoral period, so that, in fact, the cotas can be fulfilled and we can think about it before the election and not after. The application of the charges. So, think about this democratic principle, in a way transversal. So, not only for the proportionality, but also, potentially, pensar in cotas horizontales, and here, we're going to be applied to vice and substitutes, suplences, for example, eleições majoritárias, lideranças partidárias, and charges not-electives, also in the judiciary, because we know that these things are reinforced and important to the for all. Finally, obstacles of implementation. I think it's important to say that we can't retrocede in the law, we can't retrocede in what already exists in the law. I think I have to say this, it seems obvious, but we are discussing certain processes, so I think it's important to point out here. And another thing that I wanted to point out is that, one thing I think is important, is to guarantee that the cota should be respected at the level of the list of partidaries, not at the federation. because if you're transferring responsibility to other parties. And also I think there is a question here of the creation of leaders and of the field within each party, too, that would be important to think about. Now, thinking about this, we'll move on to the next one. How do we reach these objectives? I think that's the question. I think that the book brings some ideas with this. What do we learn about the process that happen in other countries in Latin America, including Brazil? these costs to be more broad, what we call "log rolling", if we are increasing the cost of reputations of not adhesion, If we can do it estratégically, as institutions already exist, I can talk about it during the questions. And if we can do it for the support of the non-legal leaders, or judicially, in this process. I will finish, I have to finish, because I just wanted to say something about why the parliamentarians and parties should want to strengthen the gender. Because I think that's something that we've been talking about, how we solve this in the parties. I think there are some narrative strategies that we can use. So, the parties will continue working in defense of the status quo, but I think there are some strategies narrative that we can use to advance in this process. One is to show that, as a policy, this is something that is always used as a way to say, look, we don't need to have cotas, we don't need to increase the proportion of the cotas, because, in fact, we don't have a woman. But this is something that the data shows. that women want to enter politics. My book with Deborah Tomé also talks a little bit about this. The second question is that women win when there is invest. So, when we look at this, I think it's very important to look at the Elements and the Prefeitures, we see that the proportion of candidates and the proportion of elements are practically the same. Why? Because in these elections, there is investment in the parties. So, women, when there is investment, they win. So, this is something that I think is also important. The electorate wants more women in politics and part of this is because of a vision of that women bring characteristics that would be desired to the politics. So, we already have several studies of public opinion, national and also groups of focus that show, in a way very consistent, that there is a vies pro-mulher in the electorate. which is important to us in terms of narrative. And the electorate also supports the law of gender and reserve financing. So, the majority... the population when asked about this, again, in various public opinion and also in groups local, they repeat this and also with this retórica of what women are doing positive for politics. So, that's all that I had to say. Thank you. And I thank you again for your participation. We here thank you.