Gisela Zaremberg

Porque ya vamos muy tarde e infelizmente no podemos

¿Plural? Sí, mujeres en plural. Sí, sí, sí. Fue la red central del avance de los derechos políticos, una red central muy abocada exclusivamente a discutir derechos políticos. Por ejemplo, si dentro de algunas entrevistas que yo he hecho a estas mujeres, ellas decían, bueno, si alguien quería hablar, no sé, de aborto que cree otro whatsapp Otro chat de WhatsApp. es como la forma de decir, para no romper el consenso, porque había mujeres tanto de derecha... como de izquierda como de todo lo contrario, como se dice en México, o sea, pragmáticas. Eh... Claro, no en una situación de polarización extrema. eso hay que decirlo también, no había ultra derecha o ultra izquierda, ¿no? o sea no había la intención, no había actores partidarios buscando competir pero no buscando hacer desaparecer al adversario ¿No? que esto es fundamental. Pero bueno, era una transición democrática, ¿no? Entonces esto tiene sentido. Eh... pero yo creo que en ese ahí pasaron dos cosas una el contexto el contexto puso mucho la atención en en el juego partidario. Primordialmente. Gracias. Primordialmente. pero estas mujeres tuvieron la inteligencia y eso hay que decir porque hay agencia no es nada más que el contexto no le terminó a "bueno, hablen con los partidos, hablen con las élites dirigentes" las mujeres de distintos partidos creo que tuvieron la inteligencia y ahí hay liderazgos particulares no también de entender que tenían que ir todas juntas para hacer avanzar la posibilidad de que se abra la puerta para otras. Eso es bastante interesante, cómo pudieron saldar diferencias partidarias e y a pesar de eso ir avanzando paso a paso, no hubo legislatura en la que no se avance en una reforma en su momento al código de federal de instituciones electorales o la paridad en todo, inclusive habiendo conseguido la paridad en todo, también se avanzaron en cuotas, eso sí, para... lo que llaman grupos de la diversidad sexual, grupos indígenas, etcétera. e Entonces, esa claridad fue importante. Yo creo que hubo una conjunción ahí. y si mujeres en plural es el es el nombre, algunas, no sé, líderes importantes fueron Patricia Mercado, Teresa Inchaustegui, en las juezas del Tribunal Electoral la jueza que hizo la sentencia ahora se me fue el nombre que redactó la sentencia del 2011, la que dijo pues si no cumplen, no compiten fue el mensaje a las dirigencias partidarias Muchísimas gracias, Gisela.

- Okay. Hola, thank you. I will speak Spanish for not speaking in Portuguese. - What's going on in Spanish? a compartirles un análisis sobre el caso mexicano, con algunas comparaciones, voy a intentar introducir también algunas comparaciones, con respecto al caso de Brasil, que también conozco, y a otros casos. Lo primero que quiero poner en contexto, es que to be able to compare the Mexican case and the Brazilian case, is that if we look at the case of Mexico, and for example the case of Brazil, but also of other countries, we see that Mexico has advanced in what was What was the first measures in terms of the quotes, the affirmative action for access to women to select the rights of women in 1995 And in 1996, Brazil, too, for the time, they were in similar percentage of women in the Congress, in the national congress. and other countries that also have been part of a similar point of advance. They could not advance this way. In 2003, Mexico was third place in 33 countries in the US, in terms of the indicator of the in women in elective and not elective, with 50% of the escadrion in the national Congress, occupied by women, superating the regional average that in 2023 was of 35.8. and - This makes it place to be located on the top of the top this average, if we compare with Brazil, we know that the 17.7% is the average. And as we can see, it's also a kind of an advance, very important, very high above the regional average. A global level, even in Mexico, in the fifth place in terms of the percentage of women in the parliament, between 186 countries. Eh... So, well, these are numbers that call the attention. And we could not ask why in countries that implemented We have relatively similar differences. Why do we have these differences in terms of the law? The most important part of the cases in this case are referred to as institutions, especially the rules and the parties, of the US and I think we have been talking about this, I imagine they've talked about the fragmentation excessive of the party in Brazil, the representation proporcional with list abierta, what this means. I understand that if they are comparating with the case of Peru, this point has been been aborded. The size of the districts, to have a country with districts that have There are also many scannies, how this affects the majority of women to list candidates for party. In fact, we know, and this is for Brazil, that the system of open list doesn't only determine the low level of representation, but they are also low level of representation. and we have robust and with the part of the regulation part of the - It does it? - So? Entendemos que We understand that there are causes but not completely enough to understand why a country can advance - The representation... - The representation... - ...femesina and others no. And even though we understand many of the causes that have to do with the rules, the rules that have to do with the party, etc. They also present as important factors but not completely enough to end up comparing and understanding why this happened. Why, having parties similar in a country, they are more than similar. The argument that I want to share with you It has to do with historical patterns. But this has... And what can we learn from this history? You can tell me, well, if the causes are related to how things were made a long time in the past, this is not much useful because what do I do now? I can't change what happened. But I think that revisiting these historical patterns helps us understand the important points to which we can make and that can be more important and more important to the normative, but not sufficient for us to be able to achieve the same. resultados efectivos. So, well, the structural point of the start of these historical patterns is to do with different types of democratic transitions that I find in Mexico when I compare it with countries like Brazil, but also with other countries like Argentina, like Peru, or Peru. In Mexico, we have a prolonged transition, centered on the election electoral, with respect to the institutional party, the PRI, which was, as you know, in the power of the Ejecutive 70 years. to achieve that transition. It was very centered on how to give legitimacy to national elections, how to make them confiables, and how to make them legitimate decisions, not completely new, even though it will appear new in this long transition, Some of the accounts from 1964 to 2000, others from 1988 to 2000, but as well as, The point of the central of the Mexican transition was to make sure that the Revolución Institucional, the Revolución of 1917, No ocupe el Poder Ejecutivo. No, salga del Poder Ejecutivo. Que puede haber un cambio del partido en el gobierno en el Poder Ejecutivo. Ese fue el punto nodal en México. Y eso implicó una tensión muy fuerte en todo lo que tenía que ver con las elecciones, con la ingeniería de las elecciones, con lograr que se confíe en las votaciones, con lograr que se confíe en las votaciones. political parties, with the regulation of the political parties, the creation of a national electoral institute, and also with the respect of the division of power. That was the central node. I'm not saying that this transition was not accompanied by social movements, like the feminist movement, but The point of concern was to achieve this and to have to do with the political system and took a lot of energy and attention to the construction of this policy. Especially at the federal level, because the alternation at the sub-national level has already been given. But at the federal level, at the national level, no. political, political, judicial, and executive. Reformas buscaban fortalecer la competencia política entre lich, representadas en los partidos y como dije reconstruir la confianza en las instituciones electorales. Entonces, In the middle of this, of course, the levantation of the zapatillas. But finally, this was in some way isolated or encapsulated. traicionaron acuerdos con este movimiento. Cuando acuerdos fueron traicionados. The transition was very important to the legislature. And in this passage, the feminist movement that had been articulated to the demand for democratization, for the partidary alternation, etc. They were building a dialogue more strong with the political parties. It's important to understand. And not only one, but only one party. And here, the second point, the fortitude of the movement in terms of the political rights of women in Mexico, has to do with the fortitude of a interpartidary between activists, between women and women, of all parties, which at that time were mainly three: the known PRI, the Revolución Institutional, the PAN, and the other party, the left-wing party, the more important part of the transition, which was the party of the Revolución Democrática. to be able to outline some points and not only a anecdote that they are losing, but that is very important. These women activists who fought for the political rights of women, who incorporated into political parties, or made up of political parties, and this led to the entire part of the party. And this led to the legislature of 1997 and in advance, this led to the entire movement of the party. in this specific type of rights. For example, there was a reform to the federal code of rules and then the parties would have some trouble, for example, putting the tax. that the 30% of candidates 70% of the candidates could not be able to pass the same sex. 70% of the candidates were men and 30% of the candidates. say it in some way a new reform to the federal code, and this was making the system more and more. This system was more difficult to deal with the cost, until 2011 This network is so strong that it is possible to achieve a key point in Mexico, so that if the parties don't comply with the votes, they will not be able to compete. is a myth that makes it a lot of change. And that is a very important thing to be able to change the situation and to be in that moment the 30% of women in charge of the children. So, a very important thing in this story is this construction This is a network that acquired a specific name: "Mujeres en Plural". The network of women is very consistent in the defense of the rights of the political rights. It is the network that will advance the rights to the power of the rights. in in all levels of government, in the federal, in the state and in the municipal. It's a parity in everything, as it says. And in this network there are women, that could be said, that they could be called or called elitized, from some perspective. The majority of women that have been passed by some charges, women from the media, women from the judicial power, And it's a very active network that will break and break. Toma un nombre concreto se venia gestando desde el pasado, desde 1997, pero toma un nombre concreto en in 2009, they call "Mujeres en Plural" is is the is the red out there is a reforma of the entire form of the same in the end So What did we learn from this story? I don't know if you can follow me. - Okay. When I... When I compare with the Brazilian transition, I see different elements. I have a sense that you will get First, I think that the point of the Brazilian transition was very different, it was a very different transition, it was a change from the bottom to the bottom, from the municipios, with respect to a dictatorial regime, that included, not only political changes, the emergency of the party is new, but also the emergency of a participatory. There was no only channel to access to, for example, to participate in politics. - It's something I forgot to say, that the Mexican network is very successful, and it's very successful in the right direction. They have more difficulties to move on in other rights more controversial. If the city of Mexico is more controversial, for example, in the right to abortion, Sovereviene un backlash en donde 24 estados de 32 generan reformas conservadoras para resistirse a esto. Por ejemplo, es una agenda más centrada en contenidos que se denominan no doctrinales, o sea, no controvertidos, como los derechos políticos o cuestiones contra la violencia de las mujeres. and more to advance in rules of rules, not rules of rules, of rules of general institutions, not only in terms more substantive, and the feminist agenda. I say because it can also be a comparison. - I believe and it and - institutional, political, partidary, or not to be the only one in the Brazilian transition. And I think the agenda is much more amplifying, and is much more nutritive, directly from social movements. The reform of the 1888, I think it's clearly a critical moment, a critical moment. Me parece que I believe, and maybe you may be wrong, but you are there, but you are not necessarily the main tension on how to build the feminist movement with each one of the parties. I know there have been activists in all the parties in Brazil, but I think there is a difference in Brazil. And I wonder how much force the relationship between and women of different parties. I think that's a big thing I think is complex when there is a polarisation, that that dialogue can be reinforced. But what I see in the comparison is that what I see concretely, the advance of the paris in everything in Mexico is this inter-partition. and the situation of the women's rights, that there are activists convinced of this agenda in all parties is fundamental. That they have a network, at least that is what shows the case of Mexico, not only to have a legislative system, but only to have these connections with the judicial system, there are also examples that talk about the importance of this relationship with the judicial system. It is also fundamental. but from this type of networks, within the legislative space, between the women of the different parties, women activists for these rights in other government powers and in different levels of government. That is what shows the case of the Mexican Union. And to end, we are going to end up with what important aspects of this history I think they are involved in this very paradigmatic and impressive. Thank you. Thank you very much.